{"id":405,"date":"2018-04-18T09:08:35","date_gmt":"2018-04-18T07:08:35","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/?p=405"},"modified":"2023-07-06T11:43:48","modified_gmt":"2023-07-06T09:43:48","slug":"report-aepl-europe-autrement-de-2018","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/report-aepl-europe-autrement-de-2018\/","title":{"rendered":"Rapport AEPL \u00ab\u00a0L&rsquo;Europe Autrement\u00a0\u00bb"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>The document \"<strong>Europe differently - the need to rebuild Europe<\/strong>\"is the fruit of consultation with AEPL members over a period of almost two years. In it, they express their conceptions of the future of a European Union capable of meeting the challenges of today's world while respecting their own values.<\/p>\n<p>&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p><strong><u>CONTENTS<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>1) - The facts<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>2) - Rebuilding Europe: principles and values<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 2-a) Solidarity, democracy and transparency<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 2-b) A clearer project<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 2-c) A shared European identity<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 2-d) European sovereignty<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>3) - Means of action<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 3-a) Un \u00ab\u00a0noyau dur\u00a0\u00bb?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - Groups of volunteer states\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 <\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - The euro zone as the first circle<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - The end of unanimous voting<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 3-b) A budget to meet the challenges<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - A budget for the euro zone<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - Better-adapted programming<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - New resources<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 3-c) The right institutions<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - The European Parliament<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - The European Council<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 - The European Commission<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>4) - Community policies to be developed<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-a) Common policies<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-b) A genuine economic policy<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-c) European defence<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-d) From enlargement to the reunification of Europe <\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-e) A European response to migratory crises<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-f) A language policy<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-g) Education for European citizenship<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 4-h) A community of values and individual freedoms<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>5) - Conclusion: The European dream<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>\"EUROPE DIFFERENTLY<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>DE LA N\u00c9CESSIT\u00c9 DE REFONDER L&rsquo;EUROPE<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Preamble<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The European Association of Free Thought (AEPL) aims to promote the European project, respect for the fundamental rights of citizens and the separation of religions and the State. It brings together in a European network covering more than twenty countries SS and FF motivated by European integration and sharing humanist values and principles of peace and progress.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The document \"<strong>Europe differently - the need to rebuild Europe<\/strong>\"is the fruit of almost two years of consultation with AEPL members. In it, they express their conceptions of the future of a European Union capable of meeting the challenges of today's world while respecting their own values. This text is a summary of the responses received to date.  It covers the main issues raised by our members and presents a coherent whole.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Above all, this document is intended to be the fruit of reflection by grassroots citizens. In this sense, it is a project built from the bottom up and not the other way round, thus fulfilling the wish of European leaders, who frequently declare that they are listening to citizens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Introduction<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Comme de nombreux citoyens europ\u00e9ens ou responsables politiques, les membres de l\u2019Association Europ\u00e9enne de la Pens\u00e9e Libre sont pr\u00e9occup\u00e9s par le risque de voir le projet europ\u00e9en menac\u00e9, voire \u00e9chouer. Tout en soutenant avec conviction le principe de la construction europ\u00e9enne, nous constatons que l&rsquo;UE telle qu&rsquo;elle fonctionne aujourd&rsquo;hui n&rsquo;est plus en mesure de r\u00e9pondre aux inqui\u00e9tudes des nombreux citoyens confront\u00e9s aux bouleversements du monde. Ces citoyens ont le sentiment que l&rsquo;Europe est indiff\u00e9rente ou impuissante. Des partis fond\u00e9s sur le rejet de l&rsquo;Europe sont en train de s&rsquo;implanter durablement dans le paysage politique de nombreux \u00c9tats membres. Si l&rsquo;on veut \u00e9viter l\u2019\u00e9chec de l&rsquo;UE, il faut imp\u00e9rativement lui donner un nouvel \u00e9lan, le statu quo menant \u00e0 terme au fiasco.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">C&rsquo;est pourquoi nous souhaitons proposer le projet\u00a0 d\u2019une \u00ab Europe autrement \u00bb capable de relancer l\u2019enthousiasme.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">After a quick <strong>report<\/strong>We will be reiterating the need for a new foundation and a strong reaffirmation of our values.\u00a0 <strong>principles and values<\/strong> which, in our view, must form the basis of this new European Union.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We will then define <strong>the means of action<\/strong> to be implemented. These resources may concern the decision-making processes or the different levels of integration desired by the Member States. The scope for action of a reformed Union is closely conditioned by the level and nature of the budgetary resources allocated to it. This issue will also be addressed. Finally, we will address the question of <strong>European governance <\/strong>and therefore the organisation of the Community institutions.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Some of today's major challenges are on such a scale that they are beyond the scope of any single state and call for joint responses on a European scale. Several examples of <strong>policies of community interest<\/strong> will be presented. We will look successively at the economy, defence, the response to migratory crises, enlargement policies, the possibility of a language policy and education for European citizenship.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To conclude, a final section will be devoted to what could be <strong>the european dream<\/strong> for a movement like ours, committed to the values of solidarity, humanism and progress.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>1) - The facts<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Nos membres font le constat que le contexte du d\u00e9but de la construction europ\u00e9enne, (celui de la guerre froide et de l\u2019essor de l\u2019\u00e9conomie de rattrapage au sortir de la Deuxi\u00e8me Guerre mondiale) a radicalement chang\u00e9. La mondialisation des \u00e9changes commerciaux, la financiarisation de l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie ainsi que sa d\u00e9r\u00e9gulation, la r\u00e9volution num\u00e9rique et robotique, l&rsquo;explosion des in\u00e9galit\u00e9s, la mont\u00e9e de l&rsquo;intol\u00e9rance religieuse, les guerres contre des organisations terroristes internationales (Daesh et autres), les cons\u00e9quences alarmantes des activit\u00e9s humaines sur l\u2019environnement et le climat, l\u2019\u00e9puisement des r\u00e9serves de mati\u00e8res premi\u00e8res non renouvelables forment aujourd\u2019hui un contexte d&rsquo;instabilit\u00e9 anxiog\u00e8ne pour beaucoup de citoyens europ\u00e9ens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">D&rsquo;autre part, jamais l&rsquo;Europe n&rsquo;a \u00e9t\u00e9 frapp\u00e9e par autant de crises majeures de fa\u00e7on simultan\u00e9e :<\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\n<li>market uncertainties since the systemic global economic and financial crisis of 2008<\/li>\n<li>specific eurozone crisis<\/li>\n<li>political crisis in Western democracies (success of populism)<\/li>\n<li>crises within the EU (unprecedented fractures: North-South, East-West, old-new, regional separatism, Brexit)<\/li>\n<li>instabilit\u00e9 g\u00e9opolitique p\u00e9riph\u00e9rique, crises et conflits arm\u00e9s aux fronti\u00e8res ext\u00e9rieures\u00a0 de l&rsquo;Union europ\u00e9enne (Russie, Ukraine, Turquie, Proche-Orient\u2026)<\/li>\n<li>crise de confiance avec l&rsquo;alli\u00e9 traditionnel am\u00e9ricain<\/li>\n<li>major refugee and migrant crisis.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">L&rsquo;absence de perspectives de solutions \u00e0 court terme sur toutes ces questions, ainsi que la perte de rep\u00e8res due \u00e0 la mondialisation, entretiennent des peurs qui conduisent de larges fractions de nos populations \u00e0 se replier sur elles-m\u00eames et \u00e0 se raccrocher aux rep\u00e8res historiques familiers. En Europe : le mod\u00e8le de l\u2019\u00c9tat\u2013nation souverain avec le risque de d\u00e9rive nationaliste, les religions avec le risque de l\u2019intol\u00e9rance, les identit\u00e9s suppos\u00e9es avec le risque du rejet de l\u2019autre et du repli sur soi. Autant de risques de r\u00e9gressions qui menacent directement les fondements du projet europ\u00e9en.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>2) - Rebuilding Europe: principles and values<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>2-a) Solidarity, democracy and transparency<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pour r\u00e9pondre \u00e0 ces inqui\u00e9tudes et \u00e0 cette importante d\u00e9saffection vis \u00e0 vis de l&rsquo;id\u00e9e europ\u00e9enne, il faut donc repenser une Europe qui serait \u00e0 la fois : plus d\u00e9mocratique, plus protectrice, plus solidaire, plus transparente, plus efficace et plus compr\u00e9hensible.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Le respect des valeurs europ\u00e9ennes, dont les libert\u00e9s individuelles sont consign\u00e9es aujourd&rsquo;hui dans la Charte des droits fondamentaux de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a>, impose au projet de refondation d&rsquo;\u00eatre avant tout fid\u00e8le aux principes de dignit\u00e9 de l\u2019individu, de libert\u00e9, d&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9 des droits, de solidarit\u00e9 et de libert\u00e9 de pens\u00e9e.\u00a0 Cela passe par une r\u00e9affirmation des valeurs de d\u00e9mocratie et de droits de l\u2019homme<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a>.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Refounding will in some cases mean profound changes, in others improvements. In particular, this Europe will have to free itself from the excessive postulates of neo-liberalism, which have been so damaging. Stimulating competition will lead the European project to its demise if we forget along the way the necessary solidarity that must unite both States and peoples.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>2-b) A clearer project<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">These principles and values should be able to commit all the States involved in the project to relaunch the European Union. <strong>\u00a0<\/strong>These principles could be set out in a short text that could have constitutional status. This text would define the <strong>objectifs de l&rsquo;Union<\/strong> and in particular the objective of creating a transnational entity through the agreed transfer of sovereignty, a text to be ratified, if necessary, after consultation of the citizens of the signatory states. The absence of a project clearly expressed at the outset by the Member States is a major handicap for the EU, fostering doubt and encouraging euroscepticism.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Un syst\u00e8me institutionnel \u00e9quilibr\u00e9 reconna\u00eet des droits mais impose aussi des devoirs. Tout manquement d&rsquo;un \u00c9tat aux r\u00e8gles communes ou aux valeurs d\u00e9mocratiques devrait pouvoir se traduire par des sanctions r\u00e9ellement appliqu\u00e9es. Pour respecter les principes d\u2019un \u00c9tat de droit, il faudra maintenir les dispositions de l&rsquo;article 2 du trait\u00e9 de Lisbonne sur les valeurs de l&rsquo;Union<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a>. En revanche, il conviendrait\u00a0 a) de compl\u00e9ter l&rsquo;application de l&rsquo;article 7 (qui pr\u00e9voit que l\u2019\u00c9tat membre qui ne respecte pas ces dispositions peut perdre son droit de vote au Conseil) par un article pr\u00e9voyant l&rsquo;amputation de certains fonds et financements en cas de violation de l&rsquo;article 2,\u00a0 b) de remplacer la r\u00e8gle de l&rsquo;unanimit\u00e9 par celle de la majorit\u00e9 qualifi\u00e9e.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>2-c) <\/strong><strong>A shared European identity<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Ce qui nous rapproche en tant qu\u2019Europ\u00e9ens est plus important que ce qui nous s\u00e9pare. Il existe maintenant, de droit, une citoyennet\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne. Mais le plein exercice de cette citoyennet\u00e9 n\u00e9cessite de forger une identit\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne \u00e0 c\u00f4t\u00e9 de toutes les autres, qui se traduise par un sentiment d&rsquo;appartenance avec ses droits et ses devoirs.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">One of the essential conditions for spreading this sense of belonging is a better understanding of what Europe is. Getting to know it better means becoming aware of the eminent part played by the construction of Europe in recent decades in extending the freedoms, rights and advantages we enjoy today. It also means realising that all Europeans share a common history and heritage.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Le plein exercice de la citoyennet\u00e9 passe aussi par l&rsquo;information sur le fonctionnement institutionnel de l&rsquo;Europe, d&rsquo;une part, et de ses \u00c9tats membres, d&rsquo;autre part. Aujourd\u2019hui, ces questions sont essentiellement trait\u00e9es par des m\u00e9dias nationaux et souvent \u00e0 la rubrique \u00abMonde\u00bb, \u00ab\u00c9tranger\u00bb ou \u00abInternational\u00bb. Une actualit\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne bien inform\u00e9e, soutenue par une communication grand-public de la part des institutions, devrait avoir sa place en tant que telle pour symboliser non pas quelque chose d\u2019\u00e9tranger mais un espace partag\u00e9 entre \u00c9tats membres au sein d\u2019une m\u00eame Union.\u00a0 Le r\u00f4le de m\u00e9dias d\u00e9veloppant une offre attractive (\u00e0 l\u2019image du succ\u00e8s de la cha\u00eene de t\u00e9l\u00e9vision franco-allemande Arte) permettrait \u00e0 un plus grand nombre de se former \u00e0 une culture europ\u00e9enne et de cultiver la fiert\u00e9 d&rsquo;\u00eatre europ\u00e9en.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pour cela, il faut g\u00e9n\u00e9raliser et afficher les symboles de l&rsquo;Europe : le drapeau, l\u2019hymne, la devise \u00ab\u00a0Unis dans la diversit\u00e9\u00a0\u00bb et la journ\u00e9e de l&rsquo;Europe le 9 mai c\u00e9l\u00e9brant le discours fondateur de Robert Schuman, date qui devrait pouvoir \u00eatre f\u00eat\u00e9e, partout en Europe, par des \u00e9v\u00e8nements symboliques.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>2-d) European sovereignty<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a largely globalised and interconnected world, we know that policies dealing with global issues can only be fully effective if they are dealt with at Community level. It will therefore be necessary to transfer certain exclusive powers from the Member States to the Community level. These transfers will have to be transparent and freely consented to by a majority of the Member States who decide to do so. A redefinition of competences will naturally be necessary in order to have the means to have, for example, a common defence associated with a common foreign policy.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Si la comp\u00e9tence pour pr\u00e9server les quatre libert\u00e9s dans l&rsquo;Union europ\u00e9enne (libert\u00e9 de circulation des citoyens, des biens, des services et des capitaux) doit \u00eatre r\u00e9serv\u00e9e aux institutions europ\u00e9ennes, il faut cependant rester vigilant quant au maintien des comp\u00e9tences d\u00e9volues aux \u00c9tats membres. C\u2019est pourquoi la question de la subsidiarit\u00e9<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a> is fundamental and deserves to be re-examined. The main criticism is that this principle of subsidiarity, enshrined in the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and as it operates in practice, has had the effect of absolving the intermediate levels of decision-making (national, regional, etc.) of any real European commitment. It is all too easy to wrongly accuse \"Brussels\" of dictating its rules to the Member States. If subsidiarity is to be fully embraced by all those involved in political action, it must correspond to a proposal to delegate powers to the European level that comes freely from the local level (from the bottom up) and not be imposed from the top.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In areas deemed to be of mixed competence (EU\/States or EU\/regions) by the European Court of Justice, institutional mechanisms involving national parliaments in decision-making could nevertheless be preserved. However, if federalist tendencies were to prevail, the notion of mixed competence would surely disappear.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In a context of global crises and threats, European citizens will be better protected by sovereignty on a European scale than they will be by national sovereignty. This is one of the major challenges of the necessary rebuilding of a different Europe.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>3) - Means of action<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>3-a) Un \u00ab\u00a0noyau dur\u00a0\u00bb ?<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The original plan was for the Member States to move forward together towards an \"ever closer union\". But the ups and downs of history, national votes and successive waves of enlargement to include states with varying motivations for integration have meant that the reality is one of cooperation and integration \u00e0 la carte. Not all states have signed up to all the union programmes. There are already de facto \"circles\" with different perimeters (euro zone, Schengen area, Customs Union, European Economic Area, Police and Judicial Cooperation Area, etc.) which do not overlap with the perimeter formed by the 28 (27) EU Member States.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- Voluntary groups of states. <\/strong>C&rsquo;est donc l&rsquo;id\u00e9e de \u00ab\u00a0noyau dur\u00a0\u00bb ou d&rsquo;une Europe \u00e0 g\u00e9om\u00e9trie variable qui semble \u00e0 beaucoup la plus prometteuse pour redonner un nouvel \u00e9lan \u00e0 l&rsquo;Union. Un groupe d\u2019\u00c9tats membres volontaires<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a> peut ainsi renforcer son degr\u00e9 d&rsquo;int\u00e9gration mais \u00e0 la condition que les autres ne puissent lui opposer de blocage. Ces pays, convaincus que l&rsquo;\u00e9chelon europ\u00e9en n&rsquo;est pas une limitation mais la condition m\u00eame de leur souverainet\u00e9, pourraient aller vers plus de f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisme, tandis que les autres les rejoindraient \u00e0 leur rythme et s&rsquo;ils le souhaitent. Cela devra se faire sans que les autres \u00c9tats membres ne se consid\u00e8rent comme laiss\u00e9s pour compte, les acquis communautaires existants leur restant acquis.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Parvenir \u00e0 ce r\u00e9sultat marque un saut f\u00e9d\u00e9ral, m\u00eame si l\u2019UE n\u2019est pas un \u00c9tat f\u00e9d\u00e9ral en formation au sens classique. Toutefois, il convient de noter que l&rsquo;UE\u00a0 en poss\u00e8de d\u00e9j\u00e0 un certain nombre d&rsquo;attributs importants, tels que la Banque centrale europ\u00e9enne (BCE), l&rsquo;Euro, Schengen, l&rsquo;Union bancaire, le M\u00e9canisme europ\u00e9en de stabilit\u00e9, la Cour des comptes europ\u00e9enne, les garde-fronti\u00e8res et garde-c\u00f4tes, etc. Quant \u00e0 l&rsquo;approche consistant \u00e0 passer d\u2019embl\u00e9e par un texte ayant valeur constitutionnelle, elle a peu de chances de r\u00e9ussite \u00e0 court ou moyen terme, compte tenu des exp\u00e9riences r\u00e9centes (l\u2019\u00e9chec du Trait\u00e9 constitutionnel de 2005) sauf modification des trait\u00e9s.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- The eurozone as the first circle. <\/strong>Beaucoup pensent que la zone euro, d\u00e9j\u00e0 fortement int\u00e9gr\u00e9e de par sa monnaie, pourrait constituer un des premiers \u00ab noyaux durs \u00bb. Il lui faudrait pour cela un budget propre, une coordination des politiques \u00e9conomiques et mon\u00e9taires, ainsi que des proc\u00e9dures de\u00a0 solidarit\u00e9 financi\u00e8re et d\u2019harmonisation fiscale, sous l&rsquo;autorit\u00e9 d&rsquo;un ministre responsable de l&rsquo;Union \u00e9conomique et mon\u00e9taire (UEM). Cela aurait notamment pour effet de\u00a0 pallier ses d\u00e9fauts de construction, d\u2019am\u00e9liorer son efficacit\u00e9 et de renforcer sa r\u00e9silience aux crises. Un parlement de la zone euro pourrait voir le jour, compos\u00e9 de membres du Parlement Europ\u00e9en issus des pays formant ce \u00ab\u00a0premier cercle\u00a0\u00bb.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- The end of the unanimous vote. <\/strong>Dans une telle perspective, et pour \u00e9viter un blocage par des minorit\u00e9s, il est indispensable que les \u00c9tats membres volontaires qui accepteront pour \u00eatre plus efficaces de respecter des r\u00e8gles plus contraignantes d\u00e9cident de poursuivre l&rsquo;extension du champ du vote \u00e0 la majorit\u00e9 qualifi\u00e9e pour en finir avec le principe paralysant de l&rsquo;unanimit\u00e9. Il est en effet inefficace de devoir n\u00e9gocier comme aujourd\u2019hui au prix de compromis boiteux qui comportent des exceptions pour obtenir une unanimit\u00e9 de fa\u00e7ade. Et lorsqu\u2019il s\u2019agit de questions importantes de droit primaire de l\u2019Union Europ\u00e9enne (nouveau trait\u00e9 ou modification de trait\u00e9 existant) un texte devrait pouvoir \u00eatre adopt\u00e9 si les 4\/5 des \u00c9tats membres l&rsquo;ont approuv\u00e9, que ce soit sous forme parlementaire ou r\u00e9f\u00e9rendaire.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>3-b) A budget that meets the challenges.<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">C\u2019est un point essentiel : pour mener ces politiques, l&rsquo;UE doit pouvoir disposer d&rsquo;un budget adapt\u00e9. Le budget actuel est tr\u00e8s largement insuffisant (1 % du PIB, l\u00e0 o\u00f9 le budget f\u00e9d\u00e9ral des \u00c9tats-Unis est de l\u2019ordre de 24 %) et il est trop d\u00e9pendant des contributions des \u00c9tats, chaque fois remises en causes au prix de d\u00e9solantes n\u00e9gociations. Le budget doit \u00eatre consid\u00e9rablement augment\u00e9 (au d\u00e9part au moins 5% \u00e0 10% du PIB de l&rsquo;UE) pour assurer la cr\u00e9dibilit\u00e9 et la visibilit\u00e9 des actions men\u00e9es par l&rsquo;UE.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- A budget for the euro zone<\/strong>. Today, States outside the eurozone have the same power to take decisions on budgetary matters as States belonging to the eurozone. It would be logical for there to be one budget for the eurozone and another for all the Member States. The eurozone budget should pursue several objectives:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>provide incentives for Member States to carry out structural reforms<\/li>\n<li>financing investment in public goods<\/li>\n<li>ensure a form of solidarity in the event of an asymmetric shock<\/li>\n<li>give priority to policies with a social dimension<\/li>\n<li>act as a counter-cyclical instrument in the event of a severe recession in the eurozone.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- Better-adapted programming<\/strong>. The multi-annual planning of budget expenditure - which currently covers a seven-year period - should also be brought more into line with the five-year mandate of the Commission and the European Parliament. Greater flexibility between categories of expenditure and between years of programming would also be desirable and would make it possible to deal with new priorities imposed by current events, such as the management of migratory flows and the protection of external borders.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- New resources.<\/strong> A c\u00f4t\u00e9 ou en remplacement des ressources actuelles li\u00e9es \u00e0 la TVA ainsi qu\u2019au Produit int\u00e9rieur brut (PIB) des \u00c9tats membres, ce budget devra n\u00e9cessairement \u00eatre renforc\u00e9 par des ressources propres. Celles-ci pourraient par exemple provenir d&rsquo;un pourcentage r\u00e9duit de l\u2019ensemble de la TVA intracommunautaire, d&rsquo;un pourcentage de l&rsquo;imp\u00f4t sur les soci\u00e9t\u00e9s, de r\u00e9cup\u00e9ration d&rsquo;imp\u00f4ts sur les g\u00e9ants du num\u00e9rique pratiquant la d\u00e9fiscalisation, comme les\u00a0 GAFAT<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a>, de certains droits de douane aux fronti\u00e8res de l&rsquo;UE (ce qui permettrait de lutter efficacement contre les pratiques de dumping ou de privil\u00e9gier les \u00e9changes avec les pays les plus vertueux au niveau social ou environnemental), d&rsquo;une taxe carbone europ\u00e9enne permettant d\u2019orienter l&rsquo;\u00e9conomie vers une moindre utilisation des \u00e9nergies fossiles, d&rsquo;une taxe sur les transactions financi\u00e8res concernant de fa\u00e7on solidaire l&rsquo;ensemble des \u00c9tats membres de l&rsquo;UE, voire une taxe sur les mati\u00e8res plastiques.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>-Financing transfers and transparency<\/strong>. Il faudra \u00e9galement saisir l\u2019opportunit\u00e9 offerte par le Brexit pour promouvoir davantage de solidarit\u00e9 entre les pays riches et les pays moins riches et en finir avec l\u2019obsession des soldes nets donnant lieu \u00e0 compensation. Avec ce nouveau budget de l&rsquo;UE, il y aura aussi un devoir d\u2019explication et de communication pour am\u00e9liorer le lien avec le contribuable europ\u00e9en qui doit pouvoir conna\u00eetre sa participation et contr\u00f4ler en toute transparence l&rsquo;utilisation de ces fonds et l&rsquo;efficacit\u00e9 de leur emploi. Enfin, pour assurer le consentement \u00e0 l\u2019imp\u00f4t, si n\u00e9cessaire dans l\u2019exercice d\u00e9mocratique, il convient d\u2019am\u00e9liorer encore le contr\u00f4le en toute transparence de l\u2019utilisation des fonds europ\u00e9ens et la qualit\u00e9 des r\u00e9sultats obtenus sous le contr\u00f4le de la Cour des comptes europ\u00e9enne.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Parall\u00e8lement, il pourrait \u00eatre judicieux de donner une comp\u00e9tence suppl\u00e9mentaire \u00e0 la BCE en la chargeant aussi de combattre le ch\u00f4mage, comme c&rsquo;est le cas pour la Banque f\u00e9d\u00e9rale am\u00e9ricaine, tout en approfondissant la coop\u00e9ration avec la Banque europ\u00e9enne d\u2019investissement comme dans le cas des plans Juncker qui permettent un important effet de levier sur les fonds du budget communautaire.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In short, this new Community budget, finally equal to the challenges, would make it possible to support, extend and increase the resources for a revival of the European economy, while maintaining strict control and freeing ourselves from the dogma of budgetary austerity.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>3-c) The new European governance: appropriate institutions<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">To apply these policies, the European Union needs institutions that are efficient, democratic and understandable to its citizens. A few simple rules can be laid down as a preamble:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">When you're part of a club, you accept all the rules, not just those that favour you. A state cannot exempt itself from those it does not like, as is currently the case on a number of issues, the most blatant being the Euro and social policy.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Il sera n\u00e9cessaire de clarifier le triangle institutionnel europ\u00e9en qui s&rsquo;est complexifi\u00e9 par trait\u00e9s successifs, souvent au gr\u00e9 des marchandages entre \u00c9tats membres, et qui manque aujourd&rsquo;hui de coh\u00e9rence pour gouverner de fa\u00e7on efficace et d\u00e9mocratique. Puisqu\u2019il faudra engager de nouvelles politiques communes, il faudra aussi tendre vers une f\u00e9d\u00e9ralisation des institutions, seul mode de gouvernance \u00e0 m\u00eame de favoriser l&rsquo;\u00e9mergence d&rsquo;une v\u00e9ritable soci\u00e9t\u00e9 politique europ\u00e9enne.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is also why we need to reduce intergovernmental management as much as possible and move towards greater federalism in vital areas (see chapter 4). Only a reform of the institutions will enable the efficiency thus achieved to go hand in hand with all the guarantees of a more democratic system.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We need to revisit the separation of powers, principally between the legislative and executive branches, with the judiciary currently regulated by the Court of Justice of the European Union. The legislature should be based on a classic bicameral system (a chamber of citizens and a chamber of states) with redefined roles and powers for each chamber:<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- The European Parliament : <\/strong>Il constitue le pilier d\u00e9mocratique de l&rsquo;UE. Le Parlement europ\u00e9en, chambre des citoyens, devrait voir ses pouvoirs augmenter, mais surtout \u00eatre r\u00e9organis\u00e9 dans sa composition et son fonctionnement pour \u00eatre plus repr\u00e9sentatif des peuples et moins des structures partisanes nationales.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">It seems essential that voters should be able to vote for European parties and not, as at present, for purely national parties. Each party will have a European programme and its own vision of the future of Europe, which will enable citizens to make a clear decision on European political issues. This vote should take place symbolically at the same time in all the countries concerned.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The European Parliament should legitimately have a role of parliamentary initiative. The powers it will have to exercise include budgetary and fiscal power over the Union's resources, and control of the executive over its expenditure and the implementation of its actions. As at present, it will have the power of censure and the power of confidence. It will have the power to appoint the President of the Commission and each of the Commissioners.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The European Parliament should be made one of the two sources of the EU's legislative programme, which means reviewing the current monopoly held by the European Commission in this area. As part of its extended powers, the European Parliament should also be able to give an upstream opinion on mandates to negotiate international agreements, particularly trade agreements, which are currently given to the Commission alone.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- The European Council <\/strong>The Council should eventually become the second chamber, that of the States. It could also be organised into sectoral councils, as is currently the case with the Councils of Ministers. As the Senate, it will have to co-decide with the Parliament, which implies defining a system of mediation in the event of disagreement.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">In this Senate, all the States could have the same number of representatives, as is the case in the American federal system. This is one of the conditions for more complete integration. Votes would be taken by simple majority to avoid paralysis of decisions following the right of veto. However, it must lose its exclusive role as the driving force behind European policy.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>- The European Commission : <\/strong>Elle repr\u00e9sente le pouvoir ex\u00e9cutif. Elle devra agir en se fondant sur un programme l\u00e9gislatif g\u00e9n\u00e9ral adopt\u00e9 par les deux chambres. Elle devra \u00eatre issue de majorit\u00e9s politiques et avoir le soutien des organes l\u00e9gislatifs devant lesquels elle sera pleinement responsable. Selon les usages des d\u00e9mocraties parlementaires, le chef de cet ex\u00e9cutif sera le leader du parti ou de la coalition disposant d&rsquo;une majorit\u00e9 au Parlement.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">D&rsquo;autres options font \u00e9lire le pr\u00e9sident de la Commission par suffrage universel direct pour renforcer encore sa l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9. Il repr\u00e9sente alors le choix majoritaire des citoyens. Dans tous les cas, il devra conduire avec son gouvernement la politique pour laquelle il aura \u00e9t\u00e9 \u00e9lu. Il r\u00e9pond de sa politique devant le Parlement.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">En tant que \u00ab chef de gouvernement \u00bb, le pr\u00e9sident de la Commission devra pouvoir choisir lui-m\u00eame ses commissaires qui ne seraient alors plus impos\u00e9s par les \u00c9tats. Il pourra les choisir pour leur comp\u00e9tence, leur poids politique, pour leur engagement europ\u00e9en, leur probit\u00e9, en respectant l&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9 femmes-hommes et l&rsquo;\u00e9quilibre entre les pays d&rsquo;origine. Le coll\u00e8ge des commissaires devra \u00eatre r\u00e9duit\u00a0 pour plus d&rsquo;efficacit\u00e9 et de coh\u00e9rence : les 28 (bient\u00f4t 27) commissaires actuels seront remplac\u00e9s par un nombre plus r\u00e9duit de vice-pr\u00e9sidents aux pouvoirs \u00e9largis, ayant sous leur tutelle des \u00abminist\u00e8res\u00bb permettant de porter au pouvoir un personnel politique de qualit\u00e9 issu de l&rsquo;ensemble de l&rsquo;UE.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">L&rsquo;objectif est de transformer la Commission en une institution plus politique, plus d\u00e9mocratique, plus efficace et ne d\u00e9pendant plus des marchandages au sommet dont sont coutumiers les 28 (27) \u00c9tat-membres. Cela conduira \u00e0 une Europe qui fonctionne selon un syst\u00e8me plus simple, aux pouvoirs mieux d\u00e9finis et \u00e9quilibr\u00e9s tel qu\u2019il a fait ses preuves dans la plupart des d\u00e9mocraties europ\u00e9ennes et dont les comp\u00e9tences et responsabilit\u00e9s seront bien connues de tous les citoyens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4) - Community policies to be developed<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-a) New common policies<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pour redonner confiance aux citoyens, l&rsquo;UE devra pouvoir mener, parall\u00e8lement aux politiques r\u00e9galiennes qui seraient d\u00e9j\u00e0 devenues communautaires, un certain nombre de politiques dont les r\u00e9sultats pourront lui \u00eatre attribu\u00e9s en toute transparence. Les citoyens europ\u00e9ens doivent pouvoir associer clairement l&rsquo;Europe \u00e0 une am\u00e9lioration concr\u00e8te de leurs conditions d&rsquo;existence.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This is the case in areas where a single State cannot reasonably hope to achieve satisfactory results. Only Community action can mobilise sufficiently powerful resources to be truly effective. To move towards ever closer union between Member States, we can draw up a list of areas of convergence where the Community level is already or would be the most relevant.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Les priorit\u00e9s retenues concernent un renforcement des comp\u00e9tences f\u00e9d\u00e9rales dans les domaines de la politique \u00e9conomique, fiscale et budg\u00e9taire, l\u2019environnement et l\u2019\u00e9nergie, la politique sociale, la d\u00e9fense et la politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re, des politiques de coordination de la police, du renseignement de la justice, la coordination et la coop\u00e9ration en mati\u00e8re d&rsquo;asile et d\u2019immigration. On peut en proposer ici une liste non exhaustive et non class\u00e9e dans un ordre prioritaire :<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Social and environmental<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\n<li>Stimulus policies and the protection of European social models<\/li>\n<li>Policy to combat global warming<\/li>\n<li>Energy security policy<\/li>\n<li>Protection de l&rsquo;environnement<\/li>\n<li>Quality agricultural production policy<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Defence and security<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\n<li>The fight against terrorism<\/li>\n<li>Fighting international crime<\/li>\n<li>Common defence policy<\/li>\n<li>Intelligence policy and cyber protection<\/li>\n<li>Fond d&rsquo;intervention civile en cas de catastrophe<\/li>\n<li>Politique de surveillance aux fronti\u00e8res ext\u00e9rieures de l&rsquo;UE<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Migration and cooperation<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\n<li>Responses to migration crises<\/li>\n<li>Politique de coop\u00e9ration et d&rsquo;aide au d\u00e9veloppement<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>Economic and commercial policy<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\n<li>A policy of massive investment in new technologies<\/li>\n<li>Commercial negotiating power against China, the USA, etc.<\/li>\n<li>Counterweight to the power of the global digital mega-corporations (GAFAT)<\/li>\n<li>The fight against tax havens<\/li>\n<li>Fair intra-European tax policy<\/li>\n<li>Building resilience to financial crises<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Pour ce qui est de la justice, apr\u00e8s le mandat d&rsquo;arr\u00eat europ\u00e9en, il y aurait lieu de renforcer Europol, de mettre en place Eurojust et un Parquet europ\u00e9en avec \u00e0 sa t\u00eate un Procureur g\u00e9n\u00e9ral europ\u00e9en. Le but \u00e9tant de faire avancer la collaboration des autorit\u00e9s judiciaires des \u00c9tats membres dans la lutte contre la\u00a0 criminalit\u00e9 transfronti\u00e8re, dont la fraude \u00e0 la TVA. Dans un deuxi\u00e8me temps, il conviendra de pr\u00e9voir une comp\u00e9tence pour cr\u00e9er des tribunaux europ\u00e9ens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We therefore need to move towards politicising the European Union in order to provide the means for effective action whose positive effects can be measured by citizens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-b) A genuine economic policy<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The laudable aim of organising free and undistorted competition internally<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a>cannot take the place of a single principle in a Europe that wants to maintain its position and influence on the world stage. Vigilant monitoring of internal economic competition, which prevents major European companies from holding a monopoly position, must not result in their being deprived of any chance of competing with the global giants.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Concevoir l\u2019Europe autrement impose de rechercher les moyens \u00e0 mettre en \u0153uvre pour favoriser le d\u00e9veloppement des entreprises europ\u00e9ennes afin de les rendre comp\u00e9titives dans l\u2019\u00e9conomie globalis\u00e9e. Cela passe par une impulsion forte venant des institutions dans les diff\u00e9rents domaines strat\u00e9giques : recherche et d\u00e9veloppement, investissements, soutien au secteur industriel,\u00a0 politique d&rsquo;innovation, soutien aux p\u00e9pini\u00e8res d&rsquo;entreprises (par ex. start-up), aux nouveaux m\u00e9tiers et nouveaux modes de production.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A significant increase in budgetary resources for incentives, direct funding and leverage effects would enable these objectives to be achieved in a federal spirit of solidarity.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Une strat\u00e9gie europ\u00e9enne en mati\u00e8re \u00e9conomique se doit de respecter le double objectif de r\u00e9ussite : \u00e9conomique et sociale. C&rsquo;est la recherche d&rsquo;une \u00e9conomie dynamique et performante permettant une juste r\u00e9partition des r\u00e9mun\u00e9rations entre investisseurs et salari\u00e9s, dans le double but de fid\u00e9liser les investisseurs et de prot\u00e9ger les salari\u00e9s.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Europe of the future must be a policy of consultation, coordination, control, ethics and solidarity in the face of the technologies of the future (digital, neuroscience, biology, transhumanism, artificial intelligence, etc.) that will have a direct impact on our lives and our future.  There is no question of erecting illusory customs barriers, but Europe must demand that imported products be ethically produced (no slavery, no child labour, humane conditions of employment in terms of working hours, safety and social protection). If these conditions are not met, then we should be able to apply a taxation mechanism on entry to the EU or refuse entry if necessary. These conditions should be validated by independent bodies (World Trade Organisation, etc.).<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Concerning <strong>developing countries<\/strong>The European economy should also be able to direct investment towards innovative projects. While the principle of a sufficient level of aid to these countries should not be called into question, the process needs to be controlled.  And to do this :<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2013 Revoir les m\u00e9thodes d&rsquo;\u00e9valuation pour \u00e9viter la corruption et permettre une meilleure prise en compte des besoins r\u00e9els des populations<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">- Establish closer collaboration and partnership with the countries receiving aid, which are often in the best position to understand their needs because of their local knowledge.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">\u2013 R\u00e9actualiser les aides en fonction de l\u2019\u00e9volution des priorit\u00e9s (changement climatique, int\u00e9r\u00eats g\u00e9ostrat\u00e9giques, mise en place d&rsquo;une v\u00e9ritable politique \u00e9trang\u00e8re et d\u2019une diplomatie dont l&rsquo;aide au d\u00e9veloppement pourrait \u00eatre un des instruments&#8230;)<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Thus, while being open to the global economy, the EU must be able to exercise a degree of protectionism at its external borders and equip itself with the means for a genuine economic policy that guarantees its values and interests in global competition.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-c) European defence<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The need for a common defence was apparent from the outset of the European Union project. Blocked in 1954 by the refusal of the French Parliament, the idea of a European Community defence is now back on the agenda.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Alors que les menaces augmentent, l\u2019Europe peine \u00e0 r\u00e9gler ses questions de s\u00e9curit\u00e9. Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, les Europ\u00e9ens ne cessent de se d\u00e9sarmer et les efforts d\u2019armement des \u00c9tats membres sont tr\u00e8s in\u00e9galement r\u00e9partis. Les Europ\u00e9ens se sont habitu\u00e9s au parapluie que constitue l\u2019OTAN financ\u00e9e \u00e0 75% par les \u00c9tats-Unis. Mais aujourd&rsquo;hui, les \u00c9tats-Unis ont d\u2019autres int\u00e9r\u00eats strat\u00e9giques, notamment en Asie\u2013Pacifique. Quant au Royaume-Uni, il risque en se retirant d\u2019affaiblir de fa\u00e7on significative le potentiel militaire de l\u2019UE, m\u00eame si des accords bilat\u00e9raux avec l&rsquo;UE pourront prendre le relais. L\u2019Europe se trouve aujourd\u2019hui de plus en plus isol\u00e9e. Une d\u00e9fense commune serait une composante essentielle pour une Union europ\u00e9enne qui se veut plus influente au niveau international car aujourd&rsquo;hui, le <em>soft power<\/em> de l&rsquo;UE ne suffit plus .<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This new situation has rekindled interest in finding <strong>pooled resources<\/strong>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0and autonomous forces capable of ensuring the defence and security of the European Union. This concern for pooling also responds to public demand for greater efficiency in defence spending in Europe, at a time when the resources allocated to public spending are becoming ever smaller. Some have proposed the creation of a very large European defence fund. The idea has even been put forward of transferring almost all defence budgets, including their debt since they joined the eurozone, to a dedicated fund guaranteed by the Member States. Be that as it may, the answers to the financing questions are central to the feasibility of an integrated defence.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">But the prerequisite for the development of a <strong>doctrine <\/strong>What is undeniably shared is the existence of a Europe that is more united politically, diplomatically, economically and fiscally, but also morally. The defence of Europe by Europeans and for Europeans seems to us to be a necessity, but there are still profound disagreements between Member States depending on their traditional position (neutral, Atlanticist or Europeanist). As with all issues where a vanguard of states should be able to proceed by <strong>enhanced cooperation<\/strong>, l\u2019Europe de la d\u00e9fense devrait faire partie du noyau dur. On peut envisager que la France, de par son exp\u00e9rience et son potentiel militaire actuel puisse y prendre sa part de leadership, \u00e9troitement \u00e9paul\u00e9e par l\u2019Allemagne et bient\u00f4t renforc\u00e9e par d\u2019autres \u00c9tats partageant une m\u00eame vision de la mutualisation des efforts de d\u00e9fense pilot\u00e9s gr\u00e2ce \u00e0 un \u00e9tat-major centralis\u00e9, qui existe d\u00e9j\u00e0 \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00e9tat embryonnaire dans l&rsquo;UE, \u00e0 Bruxelles. Mais on peut aussi imaginer que l\u2019Europe de la d\u00e9fense pourrait plus ais\u00e9ment recruter son premier \u00ab noyau dur \u00bb en regroupant des \u00c9tats moins peupl\u00e9s et de tradition moins souverainiste, comme c\u2019est le cas des \u00c9tats baltes ou du ceux du \u00ab Benelux \u00bb.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-d) From enlargement to the reunification of Europe<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Le principe d\u2019\u00e9largissement s\u2019inscrit d\u00e8s le d\u00e9part dans le projet europ\u00e9en. L&rsquo;Europe s\u2019est b\u00e2tie sur le refus des nationalismes et le d\u00e9passement des fronti\u00e8res, sa vocation \u00e9tant de rassembler l\u2019ensemble du continent autour du noyau des six pays fondateurs. La r\u00e9unification de l\u2019Europe reste l\u2019objectif de tous ceux qui souhaitent sinc\u00e8rement b\u00e2tir un espace de paix et de prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9 partag\u00e9 par tous les Europ\u00e9ens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Franco-Dutch \"no\" vote in the 2005 referendum on the European Constitutional Treaty was already largely motivated by the ill-prepared arrival in 2004 of 8 new countries from Central and Eastern Europe. This enlargement enabled these countries to really catch up economically. But after the beginnings of democratic normalisation, some of them ended up drifting towards authoritarianism and ultra-nationalism, questioning public freedoms and adopting a purely utilitarian relationship with the Union. Enlargement has been an economic success, but is proving to be a political failure that is undermining the cohesion of the EU.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Is it now necessary to integrate all the countries of the <strong>Western Balkans<\/strong> who have requested it<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a>\u00a0? The problematic enlargement of 2004 shows that, even if they end up meeting the Copenhagen criteria<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a>, les pays candidats des Balkans ne sont pas pr\u00eats, comme ne le sont pas non plus les citoyens des \u00c9tats membres, alors qu\u2019il s\u2019agit de les convaincre de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de refonder l&rsquo;Europe. Une solution transitoire pour ces pays candidats pourrait \u00eatre leur participation, avec l\u2019aide de l\u2019UE, \u00e0 un march\u00e9 commun balkanique leur permettant d\u2019abord de renouer entre eux des liens pacifiques, de bon voisinage et de confiance n\u00e9cessaires. Il ne sera gu\u00e8re ais\u00e9 de convaincre les Europ\u00e9ens de l\u2019utilit\u00e9 de telles adh\u00e9sions, aussi longtemps que ces liens ne seront pas \u00e9tablis.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Similarly, it has become essential to reassure the citizens of Europe by definitively abandoning the accession process concerning the <strong>Turkey.<\/strong> This accession would be against the wishes of the people of Europe, and we must now have the clarity to recognise this and the courage to draw the consequences.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Europe urgently needs to deepen its integration first, avoiding any uncontrolled enlargement that could result in citizens rejecting the European project itself.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-e) A European response to migratory crises<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The influx of migrants and refugees due to the attractiveness of Europe, a rich and ageing continent, seen as an area of peace and prosperity with a long tradition of welcoming displaced populations, continues to represent a major factor of political destabilisation for the States of the European Union. This crisis has reawakened reflexes of nationalist withdrawal in Europe and encouraged the rise of populist and xenophobic forces that threaten the humanist values of solidarity that are the foundations of European integration. It is an illusion to think that Europe can protect itself with walls. Border wars, climate crises, poor governance, demographic imbalances and the lack of prospects in some of Europe's neighbouring regions will continue to attract people to Europe.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">While we must safeguard our legitimate interests, we must also respect our obligations in terms of fundamental rights, in particular the right to asylum arising from international treaties relating to the victims of war, but also those due to displaced and threatened persons. In order to maintain the bond of solidarity that must prevail between Member States, it is imperative that we abandon the intergovernmental management of today's European Council in favour of an intergovernmental approach. <strong>community welcome and integration policy<\/strong> migrants and refugees. This policy must be accompanied by European diplomatic action to stabilise and contribute to restoring peace and security in the countries of origin.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Concernant la gestion par les \u00c9tats de l\u2019entr\u00e9e des r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et des migrants dans l\u2019espace europ\u00e9en, il est devenu \u00e9vident que le syst\u00e8me Dublin 3 ne fonctionne plus. Il n&rsquo;est pas logique de laisser l&rsquo;enregistrement, l&rsquo;accueil et les charges de logement et d\u2019int\u00e9gration aux seuls pays d\u2019entr\u00e9e que sont le plus souvent la Gr\u00e8ce et l&rsquo;Italie.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Il faut donc pr\u00e9voir un m\u00e9canisme europ\u00e9en qui s&rsquo;occupe de l&rsquo;enregistrement des migrants, capable de distinguer entre r\u00e9fugi\u00e9s et migrants \u00e9conomiques, qui prenne en charge leur accueil dans des conditions dignes et se charge de leur r\u00e9partition \u00e9quitable dans les pays de l&rsquo;Union. L\u2019abandon des syst\u00e8mes nationaux et la cr\u00e9ation d\u2019\u00a0un Syst\u00e8me d&rsquo;asile europ\u00e9en est pr\u00e9vu dans le Trait\u00e9 sur le fonctionnement de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne (TFUE).<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Au del\u00e0 de son r\u00f4le symbolique, la cr\u00e9ation d&rsquo;une fronti\u00e8re ext\u00e9rieure communautaire entre l&rsquo;Europe et pays limitrophes est \u00e9galement n\u00e9cessaire, accompagn\u00e9e des moyens de la contr\u00f4ler (renforcement de l\u2019agence\u00a0 FRONTEX).<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-f) A language policy<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">La diversit\u00e9 des langues parl\u00e9es en Europe est un fait incontournable.\u00a0 Si elle peut \u00eatre consid\u00e9r\u00e9e par certains comme un obstacle \u00e0 l&rsquo;int\u00e9gration europ\u00e9enne, cette diversit\u00e9 peut tout autant se r\u00e9v\u00e9ler une chance pour l\u2019Europe. Beaucoup des principales langues d\u2019\u00e9change parl\u00e9es dans le monde sont d\u00e9j\u00e0 des langues parl\u00e9es en Europe. C\u2019est un atout essentiel pour l\u2019Europe dans son rapport au monde.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Not all Europeans are destined to speak the same language one day, be it an adopted language like English, or an artificial language like Esperanto. Many European languages will continue to coexist for a long time to come. To enable dialogue and mutual understanding between Europeans, the spoken word, as well as the received word, will therefore have to be exchanged through languages. This is why it will be necessary for the younger generations, in addition to their mother tongue, to master at least <strong>two other European languages<\/strong> including English. This should be the subject of a proactive language policy at European level.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">On pourrait conforter ce programme par une vaste politique d&rsquo;\u00e9changes d\u2019enseignants qui deviendraient autant d\u2019ambassadeurs culturels \u00e0 travers toute l&rsquo;Europe. Au-del\u00e0 de l\u2019enseignement secondaire, il faudrait renforcer, l\u00e0 encore, le multilinguisme en favorisant et en finan\u00e7ant largement les s\u00e9jours de tous les jeunes europ\u00e9ens dans d\u2019autres pays membres (un \u00ab\u00a0Erasmus pour tous\u00a0\u00bb&#8230;), en r\u00e9servant des chaires universitaires \u00e0 des professeurs d\u2019autres pays, en multipliant les s\u00e9minaires et colloques multilingues, en passant par la traduction de langue \u00e0 langue plut\u00f4t que de recourir syst\u00e9matiquement \u00e0 l\u2019anglais, en soutenant les revues et ouvrages multilingues, en privil\u00e9giant partout la diffusion de films (documentaires, fictions, animations&#8230;) en version originale sous-titr\u00e9e. En effet, toute langue \u00e9tant le reflet d\u2019une ou de plusieurs cultures, ces mesures permettraient de mieux se comprendre et d\u2019unir davantage les \u00c9tats membres tout en maintenant la diversit\u00e9 de leurs cultures. Une inter-compr\u00e9hension des citoyens \u00e0 l&rsquo;\u00e9chelle de notre continent europ\u00e9en repr\u00e9senterait une grande avanc\u00e9e vers le partage d&rsquo;un sentiment d&rsquo;identit\u00e9 commune, et renforcerait les liens de solidarit\u00e9 entre tous les citoyens europ\u00e9ens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-g) Education for European citizenship<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">Knowledge of our common European history should be part of a compulsory set of basic notions taught throughout their studies to all young Europeans. This should be taught in such a way as to ensure that diversity is presented without prejudice and without nationalist or religious ulterior motives.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">A <strong>petition to the European Parliament<\/strong> was filed in 2017 under the title: \" <em>Petition in favour of citizenship education for secondary school pupils <\/em>\u00bb. Son objectif est de favoriser le renforcement d&rsquo;une citoyennet\u00e9 supranationale fond\u00e9e sur les droits et les devoirs partag\u00e9s et non pas sur des sentiments identitaires excluants. Un programme permettant d\u2019aider \u00e0 \u00ab<em>combattre les fanatismes et de favoriser le vivre ensemble, dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 multiculturelle et diversifi\u00e9e, comme l&rsquo;est la soci\u00e9t\u00e9 europ\u00e9enne<\/em>\u00bb en se fondant sur plusieurs articles des trait\u00e9s fondateurs de l\u2019Union europ\u00e9enne. De fa\u00e7on concr\u00e8te, un \u00e9l\u00e8ve du secondaire devrait acqu\u00e9rir une connaissance minimale des autres \u00c9tats membres et de ses concitoyens europ\u00e9ens, une connaissance du fonctionnement des institutions de l&rsquo;Union et de ses m\u00e9canismes de participation citoyenne, socle n\u00e9cessaire pour un exercice sain de la d\u00e9mocratie.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">This petition, which is to be submitted to the Council via the European Commission, is based on a European Parliament resolution which stresses that \". <em>conna\u00eetre et comprendre l&rsquo;histoire et les valeurs communes de l&rsquo;UE et de ses \u00c9tats membres est une cl\u00e9 pour la compr\u00e9hension mutuelle, la coexistence pacifique, la tol\u00e9rance et la solidarit\u00e9, de m\u00eame que comprendre les principes fondamentaux de l&rsquo;Union europ\u00e9enne <\/em>\".<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>4-h) A community of values and individual freedoms<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">We need to emphasise what brings us together, i.e. the values of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union and Art. 2 of the Treaty on European Union.<a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a> comme la dignit\u00e9 de l\u2019individu, l\u2019\u00e9galit\u00e9, la libert\u00e9, la solidarit\u00e9 et la tol\u00e9rance, n\u00e9cessaires pour d\u00e9passer les clivages culturels, politiques, religieux, linguistiques ou ethniques. Ce sont les valeurs d\u2019humanisme de l\u2019Europe qui pourraient le mieux constituer un ciment de l&rsquo;Europe du futur.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\"><strong>5) - Conclusion: the European dream<\/strong><\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The idea behind the dream of a different Europe is also the idea that the challenges are not just economic or institutional, but above all human. Europe must be understood as a <strong>human community<\/strong>whose diversity is both an asset and a challenge. The promise of peace, freedom and prosperity must benefit everyone, thanks to a <strong>common goal of social progress<\/strong> fostered by the European framework. To achieve this, every citizen must be able to feel the benefits of a Europe that protects them by exercising their sovereignty more effectively, and to which they feel closer because it has been able to renew itself, democratise its operations and listen to its citizens.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">The Europe of dreams would be :<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>a Europe that guarantees freedom: all public freedoms, freedom of thought guaranteed by the strict neutrality of institutions with regard to religious dogma, freedom of expression, freedoms that are currently under attack in several Member States<\/li>\n<li>a Europe that is concerned with the equality of human beings: equal rights between genders, origins and sexual orientations. Although these rights are formally guaranteed by the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, we know that there is still progress to be made in many Member States.<\/li>\n<li>a Europe of greater solidarity and humanity, a Europe concerned with the development of countries with which it has long-standing relations and which expect better conditions for cooperation<\/li>\n<li>a Europe that is more effective in its decision-making than it is today, while at the same time becoming more democratic, more transparent and more comprehensible<\/li>\n<li>a Europe where the pursuit of happiness, like the pursuit of quality of life, could become a fundamental right of every European citizen.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">L&rsquo;Union europ\u00e9enne doit \u00eatre capable de faire la d\u00e9monstration qu&rsquo;elle apporte une v\u00e9ritable valeur ajout\u00e9e. C\u2019est ainsi qu\u2019elle pourra faire reculer le d\u00e9samour dont elle est en partie victime aujourd&rsquo;hui. Cette Europe nouvelle qui pourrait \u00eatre propos\u00e9e aux citoyens europ\u00e9ens devrait \u00eatre\u00a0une Union d\u2019\u00c9tats-nations ouverte au monde, avec un projet intellectuel et politique de long terme si l&rsquo;on ne veut pas que nos soci\u00e9t\u00e9s se ferment au monde contemporain; un projet consistant \u00e0 reconstruire un mod\u00e8le politique, \u00e9conomique et social proprement europ\u00e9en conciliant la libert\u00e9, la solidarit\u00e9, les valeurs porteuses d&rsquo;identit\u00e9 commune, la protection et le pouvoir d\u2019influence internationale. L\u2019Europe ne pourra tenir son rang dans la concurrence mondiale que si elle reste fid\u00e8le \u00e0 son projet garantissant la paix et le progr\u00e8s humain. Alors une telle Europe, refond\u00e9e par rapport \u00e0 celle que nous connaissons aujourd\u2019hui, aurait une valeur d\u2019exemple dont le monde pourrait s\u2019inspirer.<\/p>\n<p style=\"font-weight: 400;\">BRUSSELS, 25 March 2018<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The European Union's Charter of Fundamental Rights is a directly applicable binding legal instrument, whereas the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is (alas!) no more than a UN resolution.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 This essential question of Fundamental Rights will be addressed in a document devoted specifically to the subject, which will be published at a later date.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Article 2 du Trait\u00e9 sur l&rsquo;Union europ\u00e9enne : L&rsquo;Union est fond\u00e9e sur les valeurs de respect de la dignit\u00e9 humaine, de libert\u00e9, de d\u00e9mocratie, d&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9, de l&rsquo;\u00c9tat de droit, ainsi que de respect des droits de l&rsquo;homme, y compris des droits des personnes appartenant \u00e0 des minorit\u00e9s. Ces valeurs sont communes aux \u00c9tats membres dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 caract\u00e9ris\u00e9e par le pluralisme, la non-discrimination, la tol\u00e9rance, la justice, la solidarit\u00e9 et l&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9 entre les femmes et les hommes.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A qualified majority must be achieved by at least 55% of the Member States (i.e. a minimum of 16 States) and 65% of the population, or 72% of the States and 65% of the population when the Council does not act on a proposal from the Commission or the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Art. 5 du TUE : La Communaut\u00e9 agit dans les limites des comp\u00e9tences qui lui sont conf\u00e9r\u00e9es et des objectifs qui lui sont assign\u00e9s par le pr\u00e9sent Trait\u00e9. Dans les domaines qui ne rel\u00e8vent pas de sa comp\u00e9tence exclusive, la Communaut\u00e9 n&rsquo;intervient, conform\u00e9ment au principe de subsidiarit\u00e9, que si -et dans la mesure o\u00f9- les objectifs de l&rsquo;action envisag\u00e9e ne peuvent pas \u00eatre r\u00e9alis\u00e9s de mani\u00e8re suffisante par les \u00c9tats membres et peuvent donc, en raison des dimensions ou des effets de l&rsquo;action envisag\u00e9e, \u00eatre mieux r\u00e9alis\u00e9s au niveau communautaire. L&rsquo;action de la Communaut\u00e9 n&rsquo;exc\u00e8de pas ce qui est n\u00e9cessaire pour atteindre les objectifs du pr\u00e9sent Trait\u00e9.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 At least 9 countries according to the European treaties.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 GAFAT: Google, Apple, Facebook, Amazon, Twitter<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 Articles 105 and 106 (ex 85 and 86) of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU)<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 The Western Balkan countries that are official candidates are Montenegro, Serbia, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) and Albania. Bosnia-Herzegovina and Kosovo are potential candidate countries or have applied for membership.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 A country's accession to the European Union is subject to certain criteria defined at the Copenhagen European Council in 1993:<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li>The presence of stable institutions guaranteeing democracy, the rule of law, human rights and respect for and protection of minorities;<\/li>\n<li>A functioning market economy and the ability to cope with market forces and competitive pressure within the EU;<\/li>\n<li>The ability to assume the obligations of membership, including the capacity effectively to implement the rules, standards and policies forming the body of EU law (the acquis communautaire) and to embrace the objectives of political, economic and monetary union.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p><a href=\"applewebdata:\/\/BE564682-15B9-4455-9EE0-505BB8E6D579#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a>\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 L&rsquo;article 2 dispose : \u00abL&rsquo;Union est fond\u00e9e sur les valeurs de respect de la dignit\u00e9 humaine, de libert\u00e9, de d\u00e9mocratie, d&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9, de l\u2019\u00c9tat de droit, ainsi que de respect des droits de l\u2019homme, y compris des droits des personnes appartenant \u00e0 des minorit\u00e9s. Ces valeurs sont communes aux \u00c9tats membres dans une soci\u00e9t\u00e9 caract\u00e9ris\u00e9e par le pluralisme, la non-discrimination, la tol\u00e9rance, la justice, la solidarit\u00e9 et l&rsquo;\u00e9galit\u00e9 entre les femmes et les hommes.\u00bb<\/p>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>The document \"Europe autrement - de la n\u00e9cessit\u00e9 de refonder l'Europe\" (Europe differently - the need to rethink Europe) is the result of a consultation process that lasted almost two years with AEPL members. In it, they express their views on the future of a European Union capable of...<\/p>","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":556,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,15],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-405","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-nouvelles","category-publications"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/405","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=405"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/405\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/556"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=405"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=405"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/aepl.eu\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=405"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}